kader sevinc – CHP EU Representation – Brussels

FEPS Observatory l “EU and Turkey: In the name of wisdom and vision” Kader Sevinç

CHP EU Representation — Wed, 09 Dec 2015 15:59:15 +0000

EU AND TURKEY: IN THE NAME OF WISDOM AND VISION

Turkey’s elections are over. Politics continues. As Turkey’s main opposition and social democratic party, the CHP’s firm support to the EU accession process continues as well. Meanwhile, from Middle Eastern refugees to Russian troubles, both the EU and Turkey pay a high price because of years of stalemate in Turkey’s EU accession process. Brussels has been failing to engage Turkey in this process, mainly because of the exaggerated blockings of membership negotiations chapters by Cyprus, even in areas linked to the democracy and the rule of law: insane and irrational. Turkey in its side has been experiencing an increasingly authoritarian government, unfair electoral environment, mismanagement of the Kurdish question, manipulation of the terrorist attacks for political maneuvers and the lack of sound policies in the crucial fields such as the digital economy, public procurement, work place safety, gender equality, environment and the education. This is a bad picture for both the Turkish and the EU citizens.

There are now significant opportunities ahead in Turkey’s relationship with the European Union. A well-managed EU process would yield added-value for Turkey with multiplier impact in terms of democracy, international political power, economy and social development. Turkey as an EU member could leave the “regional power” rhetoric behind and rise to become a country which contributes to Europe’s global influence. Turkey is not an oil-rich, nuclear or financial power. For Turkey, “power” means the ability to become a democratic, well-educated, economically strong and creative society. How will the EU accession process help to achieve this goal? That is the main question.

The discussions on Grexit and Brexit are not limited to where Greece or the United Kingdom stands within the EU. It means that the institutional system of the EU will have to be overhauled. Arguments for reform, taking such forms as the “European integration in concentric circles”, “variable geometry” or “multi-speed Europe” are starting to emerge. As Europe is changing, in parallel Turkey should take on the opportunities and integrate itself into the emerging new European architecture.

Beyond Europe, as the power balance in the world is being redefined, Turkey could rise to a much powerful position in the West. Turkey should get on the same stage with such initiatives like the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and the US, as well as digital economy and new energy policies. In a rapidly changing climate, from the Iranian nuclear deal to the ISIS catastrophe and the ongoing Russian roulette, Turkey will be able to protect its national interests only by becoming a stronger democracy. Reestablishing a respected presence in the West and good management of the EU process are indispensable. Serious problems such as the management of the refugee crises (over 2 million Syrians are hosted by Turkey) and a settlement of the conflicts in Syria necessitate solidarity within NATO, but also stronger coordination with the EU’s External Action. This, in turn, calls for true democracy, well managed economy that inspires confidence, environmentally friendly policies, and reforms in education, innovative technology policies and a citizen-oriented political system.

Five primary points for Ankara and Brussels to re-energize Turkey’s EU process:

Firstly, negotiation chapters in the EU accession process regarding social policies, public procurement and competition law should start immediately. These chapters are crucial for the Turkish people in such issues like security in the work place and the gender equality as well as in the fight against the corruption. These negotiation chapters are not politically blocked at the EU Council. Negotiations on updating the current EU-Turkey customs union should also proceed, within the perspective of full EU membership and inclusion to TTIP. For that Ankara needs just political will and patriotism.

Secondly, all anti-democratic laws and regulations in areas such as the internet security, data privacy and the judiciary power should be revised to meet EU standards simultaneously and the rule of law should be restored. A clear test of credibility for the EU Council is still to open the related negotiation chapters with Turkey. Blocking these chapters deprives the EU from its main soft power instrument to promote a democratic Turkey and harms first of all the main owner of this veto policy, namely Cyprus.

Thirdly, the ongoing bilateral negotiations in Cyprus should be supported and necessary steps should be taken to ensure a fast and fair solution between the parties. Powered by the wind of democratic reform and socio-economic leaps of change, Turkey can make incredible progress in bilateral relations, not only with Cyprus, but also with Armenia and Israel, promoting as well the European values and interests in Middle East and beyond. It will be also a big challenge for Brussels to not miss time the historical opportunity of re-engaging Turkey.

Fourthly, the management model for the EU negotiations should be reevaluated and redesigned to include all segments of the population and all political parties. Just as is the case with the Croatian model, opposition parties also need to be included through executive boards that have responsibilities and play a direct role in the negotiation process. Thus, the relationship with civil society could move further than mass meetings without tangible results. There will be a chance to start collaborative, non-partisan efforts in collaboration with the unions, the private sector, academic institutions, the media and various youth civil society organizations. Adoption of EU standards will become an area of societal acceptance and mobilization. The EU funded projects and initiatives in Turkey should also enhance their recent trend of becoming more open to various parts of the society. It is also time to better communicate to the European public the real challenges for a stronger Europe on the world scene in relation with a better managed enlargement to Turkey. The European Commission’s decision to adopt a new approach for the yearly regular progress reports for the EU accession countries may also be helpful in this respect. However the postponement of the 2015 EU progress report to not disturb Ankara with critism on the democratic criteria before the elections was far from being the glorious moment of European soft power.

Strategically, Turkey’s relations with the EU ought to move beyond the negotiation process. Turkey may have a place in EU policies which shape Europe’s and therefore Turkey’s future, such as energy, trade, digital economy, social system and climate change.

A well-managed accession process would yield added-value for Turkish and EU citizens with multiplier impact.

Kader Sevinç

ABOUT FEPS

FEPS is the European progressive political foundation. The only progressive think tank at European level establishes an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project, putting fresh thinking at the core of its action. As a platform for ideas , FEPS works in close collaboration with social democratic organisations, and in particular national foundations and thinktanks across Europe, to tackle the challenges that Europe faces today. Close to the Party of European Socialists (PES) but nevertheless independent, FEPS embodies a new way of thinking on the social democratic, socialist and labour scene in Europe.

FEPS – European Progressive Observatory

Strategic Outlook’s Interview with Kader Sevinc about Turkish foreign policy

CHP EU Representation — Tue, 10 Feb 2015 16:42:43 +0000

Strategic Outlook’s Interview with Kader Sevinc about Turkish foreign policy

1-) How do you evaluate the last 10 years of the Turkish foreign policy?

In the 21st century, foreign policy ought to serve the interests of the people. People deserve better democracy, rule of law, gender equality, social rights and economic growth with sustainable positive impact on the technological progress, environment and the income disparity. Turkish foreign policy has been trying to adapt to rapid globalisation of the last 20 years and marked several success. However, it has mainly remained behind the progressive trends and been unable to be innovative and people-oriented. One part of the problem is inherent to the narrow scope of the foreign policy itself. Modernisationefforts of the diplomacy with more focus on the economic and social progress of the country have been better promoting Turkey’s trade and energy interests, without however creating a coherent vision and toolbox for action meeting the challenges. Specific problems with Cyprus and Armenia have remained also unsolved because of weak proactive leadership by Ankara. Beyond that, the essential problem is in the way Turkey has evolved loosing the basic pillars of its softpower: a country in a permanent move towards the EU membership, driven by democratic reforms and social development. There is a very disturbing lack of coherence between the discourse and the practice. Turkey’s official aspiration to be a global player, a G20, NATO and Council of Europe member, an EU accession country and a natural partner of the Transatlantic Partnership is a justified target. However the legacy of the government in the last 12 years contradicts deeply with this foreign policy aspiration as it does with the Turkish people’s future.

2-) Arab Spring is one of the most important issues occupying the international agenda in recent years. We see that Arab Spring remained stuck in Syria at this point. What was or what was not Arab Spring for you?

There was an Arab spring. It has been a reality that I have felt and faced in my encounters in the Arab countries. But all seasons have an end and unfortunately the winds of change were not sufficient for a radical shift toward democracy. Nevertheless, nothing will be same neither and I am confident that the youth in the Middle East will finally built societies based on the values of freedoms, pluralism and rule of law.

3-) Were the Gezi Park events a reflection of Arab Spring on Turkey for you? How would you assess the Gezi Park events in a general meaning?

Gezi Park events have in common with the movements in Cairo, Athens, Paris or Kiev of being a challenge to the ageing democracy and its limits in meeting the expectations of the 21st century’s new generation citizens. On the other hand, these are certainly movements in different national contexts with different parameters. The Gezi movement has been a post-modern, creative and ecological protest demanding an accountable and transparent way of governing the city and the country. Its positive effect will last long-time. It demonstrated that a progressive and modern segment of the Turkish society is not a minority, and has a qualitative comparative advantage.

Since the Gezi movements of June 2013, the Turkish citizens have been protesting all over Turkey, demanding the respect of the pluralistic society, individual freedoms, women rights, secular public sphere, accountability of the political authority and the protection of the environment. I am proud to belong to these progressive movements. We in Turkey contribute also to Europe’s social evolution in developing innovative methods of democratic expression.

The challenge for the 21st century’s first generations of leaders, whether they are in the politics, business, media, or the civil society, is to define new transnational set of values, a progressive sense of correctness and idealism. For me the priorities would be the freedoms, ecology, science, and fight against the poverty. In this respect, the wisdom, innovative thinking, and the talent to use the big data are important qualities of leadership. For the Gezi generation of citizens and politicians, it is a challenge to develop new tools of communication on the basis of mutual trust between politics and people and to formulate an agenda for collective action, to work for more innovative and inclusive politics.

4-) One of the most important agendas of Turkey is the ongoing solution process about the Kurdish Question. When we think it in terms of Turkey’s foreign policy, what does the solution process mean?

The Kurdish question is a determinant factor designing Turkey’s future. Its solution shall only be in a more democratic Turkey, valuing the unity in diversity, decentralisation, parliamentry democracy and re-engaged in the EU membership process.

5-) Finally, by the Paris attacks, the Islamophobia discussions have currently flared up again. Is Islamophobia gaining strength in the West?

There can be several negative trends triggered by highly negative events. There is a significant data emphasising these trends. But this is not a linear evolution. A considerable part of the Western society has become more conscious of both the freedoms and the respect of the cultural differences which are by the way not hermetic fortresses. The 21st century’s societies are ever pluralistic in a multi-dimensional way. Civilisations clash, merge, interact, change each other and are never what they claim to be. Human nature, economic realities and social evolution are more complex then simplistic culturalist explanation efforts

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Kader Sevinç, PES Presidency Council Member, CHP Representative to the European Union

Kader Sevinç is international relations practitioner, social entrepreneur and poet. She is currently a member of the PES Presidency Council (Party of European Socialists & Democrats); the EU representative the CHP, Turkish social democratic and main opposition party, in Brussels; a non-resident Transatlantic fellow of the SAIS (Johns Hopkins University – Washington); member of the PES Transatlantic Delegation-US, founder of the Brussels-based debate club, the Turkish Coffee Briefings; executive board member of the Progessive Thought Institute (Istanbul) and founder of the educational initiative, the Sinif-1B (Brussels). Kader Sevinç is an honors graduate from the Akdeniz University and holds her MA in International Relations from CERIS/Paris XI University and completed Jean Monnet European Integration Program, she pursued “communication in business” training at the Harvard University. She previously worked in the Akdeniz University’s EU research center, private sector, and in the European Parliament as advisor. She was awarded by the Turkish Industry & Business Association (TÜSİAD) for her entrepreneurship project and by the European Commission for her project entitled “Turkey’s transformation and human capital in the EU accession process” and by Young Tourism Leaders for her contribution to Turkey’s image abroad. In 2013 Kader Sevinç was recognized by the Diplomatic Courier magazine and the YPFP in Washington DC among the most influential young foreign policy leaders in the world. She is an editorial board member of the Siirden poetry magazine in Istanbul, co-author of a political poetry book “The European Constitution in Verse” (2009, Brussels) and plays in the theater show of “100% Brussels”. Her poetry book “Kırık Ülke” (Broken Country) was published and her bi-lingual jazz/poetry album “River-long Loneliness” was released in 2014.

http://www.kadersevinc.com

Read: Diplomatic Courier’s interview with Kader Sevinç about her foreign policy vision:

http://www.diplomaticourier.com/lists/top-99-under-33/2013/1692-kader-sevinc

Kader Sevinc: Turkey Will Strengthen Democracy And Join The Union

CHP EU Representation — Mon, 24 Jun 2013 14:31:18 +0000

Until recently Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan looked untouchable. His Justice and Development Party won the elections three times in a row and Turkey’s economy progressed rapidly. In the Arab world, but also in the West, Turkey was regarded as a model of reconciliation of Islam and democracy, and Erdogan as a ‘demo-Muslim’, similar to European Christian-Democratic political leaders. Therefore, major anti-government protests in Turkey and a violent police response was a bolt from the blue for many.

Kader Sevinç, the representative of the main Turkish opposition party (Republican People’s Party) in Brussels, and a member of the Presidency of the Party of European Socialists (PES), willingly accepted our invitation to discuss the situation in Turkey.

Why are the citizens protesting against the Turkish government?

They ask for respecting a pluralistic society, individual freedoms, women rights, accountability of the political authority and the protection of the environment.

Has the reaction of the police been unexpected?

It was not at all expected. This is the first time since the military takeover of 1980 that such excessive violence is used by the police. This violence has targeted youths, ordinary citizens dancing, singing and manifesting peacefully. Maybe there were some provocative marginal groups that we do not approve of but the vast majority of the security forces violence has been towards citizens and their freedoms.

The Turkish security apparatus has been repressive for decades, for instance against Kurdish activists. Now many people objects to police brutality. Are these two sides of the same coin?

Repression against any civilian movement undermining the freedom of speech has been – from time to time – a pathological problem which resurrects. The terrorist actions of the PKK have been violent against the civilians and the country’s security as well. The state had to be more careful in making a difference between the legitimate fight against terrorism and guaranteeing the rights of citizens.

Prime Minister Erdogan won three elections in a row, and more than half of the voters supported his party. Does that make his moves towards partial re-Islamization of the public sphere legitimate?

Free elections require a free media, impartial justice and extensive liberties. This being said, the religious dogmas may be a derivative of the increasing authoritarian rule but the problem is not with any religious belief or ethnic identity, it is about a culture of democracy and the definition of relations between citizens and the state. We are in the 21st century and Turkish citizens have proved that democracy needs to evolve everywhere.

Is the Turkish opposition, especially the CHP, really a credible alternative to the ruling AKP?

The CHP’s social democrat and progressive programme and policy proposals are very clear. Under a CHP government Turkey will be a country with an open society, competitive economy and in full compliance with European standards.

Does Erdogan’s emphasis on the Ottoman legacy mean that we should expect more direct involvement of Turkey among the Muslims in the Balkans?

Historical legacies can be helpful in better illustrating the cultural dimensions of new policy perspectives but the world turns around real issues and not past times’ nostalgia.

Turkey has not progressed very far on the road towards the EU, while Croatia will join the EU soon. Do you believe Turkey will become an EU Member State during this decade?

Yes. Turkey needs Europe and the EU has a clear interest in enlarging its democracy and economy to Turkey. This is the rational choice for both sides and hopefully, with better leadership on both sides, this will happen and the all European citizens, including Turkish citizens, will be the beneficiaries of this historical enlargement. This would also be good news for all other democracies of the world.

http://www.social-europe.eu/2013/06/turkey-will-strengthen-democracy-and-join-the-union/

This interview was conducted by Goran Kotur for Slobodna Dalmacija.

About Kader Sevinc

Twitter: @Kader__Sevinc

Kader Sevinç is the representative for the European Union of the Turkish social democratic party, the CHP, in Brussels . She was appointed as the representative in July 2008 and in her capacity she is in charge of driving the EU policy initiatives of the CHP. She is also in charge of representing the party as PES (Party European Socialist) Presidency Member.